Immigrant women are doubly disadvantaged in the labor market; both their gender and immigrant status place them in a poorer labor market position. Across western countries, immigrant women show worse labor market outcomes relative to immigrant men and native-born women and men. Family migration decisions may offer an explanation, specifically as immigrant women are less likely to lead migration and instead follow as spouses or family members. Our study examines how immigrant couples make decisions about migration and the causal effects of those decisions on their labor market outcomes. Limited data on decisionmaking and immigrant couples has hampered efforts to examine immigrants’ intentions for migrating and the consequences of those decisions.
This study finds that immigrant women are the least likely to lead migration but benefit the most from leading in a skilled immigration policy and achieve greater labor market outcomes than women who do not lead. Immigrant women who lead benefit tremendously from the immigration screening process that privileges human capital and occupations in demand, bypassing many of the broader labor market challenges that hinders immigrant women. In contrast, immigrant men are the most likely to lead migration although they benefit the least from it. We argue that hybrid immigration policies that screen on human capital and address occupational skill shortages are less gender biased. Hybrid policies, in turn, create more equitable opportunities for immigrant women to lead the migration process and experience improved labor market outcomes, and can limit the reproduction of gender inequality.
Our research has policy implications as well. First, reducing gender bias in selection criteria can generate better outcomes for both individuals in the family. Including occupations with a greater gender balance may be one way to achieve this. Extending early evidence that considering labor market demand reduces immigrants’ over-education rates, our study shows that hybrid immigration policies that are less gender biased can also ensure greater employment and lower over-education for all family members, not just individuals who are primary applicants. Given that immigrant men have high rates of labor market participation, regardless of whether they lead or follow, increasing incentives and opportunities for immigrant women to lead migration can provide better opportunities for the entire family. It can also help combat some of the labor market challenges facing immigrant women who follow.
Our results have implications beyond Australia. As countries become more interested in adopting skilled immigration policies, how such policies are devised has important implications for the labor market integration for all family members. Although family members and secondary applicants are usually treated as an afterthought in skilled immigration policies, careful consideration about their outcomes can provide greater labor market success not just for those who lead migration but for their family members who join them and have plans to engage in paid employment.